This next review takes me into the happy intersection of history and myth. Eleanor Barraclough's Embers Of The Hands is a wonderful look at the Viking Age through a series of objects. Not exactly archaeology, not really a tour of "Must See In Scandinavian Museums", but a sort of union of both with a healthy smattering of literary context thrown in for good measure.
I have to say I never used to go for books like this. I preferred clear narratives, moments in history where at least the major events and characters could be known in detail with some degree of confidence. But I've come to realise that this approach can illuminate the mindset of ancient peoples, however dimly, and indeed if you don't know what their objects, their clothing, their environment was like, you're lacking a huge part of their lives.
It's not a sociological history, exactly. It's more like Neil Price's efforts* to explore the mindscape of the past, and for me that's the most interesting aspect of all. What did they believe ? How did they think the world worked ? How did that influence what they did ? What did it feel like to be a Viking ?
* Immediately after this one I read Neil Price's latest popular work, The Sea-King and the Sorceress, so I'll be deferring some parts to the next post on areas where Price goes into more detail than Barraclough.
The Review Bit
The book doesn't exactly start well. The introduction is a rather drawn-out outline that feels decidedly dry and academic. Normally this would be a good place to set out the proper context for everything that follows, especially the motivations and bias of the author. One or two pages describing exactly how you'll proceed is quite enough; twenty-one pages of this is a strange choice.
Thankfully, it gets better fast. By the end I had no doubt at all I'd be deliberately seeking out more books by the same author.
<BEGIN SHORT RANT>
The one permanent oddity is her insistence on saying "enslaved" or "enslaved people" when "slave" would do perfectly well. Emily Southon also does this, as does Price, but Barraclough takes this to another level. I really don't get it. We all know slaves are people just as we all know that all doctors and lorry drivers and prisoners are also people. Do we need to insist on saying "imprisoned people" ? Of course not. That's just weird.
And why now ? Slavery in its industrialised form is long dead and will not return. Changing our terminology now is far less effective than shutting the door after the horse has bolted, because the horse has not only bolted, it's gone off to start a family, lived to see its grandchildren grow up, grown old, and died. Are we supposed to feel more sympathetic for these long-dead people ? Do we we need to be constantly reminded extra hard that they were people and not objects ? Why ? Anyone who doesn't know that slaves were people is simply too stupid to be affected by any change of terminology.
Damn weird, if you ask me. It's like suddenly insisting that Roman glass-makers were really, really good at their job, and if we don't all call them "Roman expert glass-workers" every single time, we're doing them a disservice. I find it very, very odd.
But enough of that.
</END SHORT RANT>
Yes, I know that's not how HTML tags work. Shut up.
Other criticisms are much more minor. Barraclough can turn her pen to the amusing and the rhetorical as necessary, reminding me at times of Thomas Williams. The worst I can find to say here is that sometimes the rhetoric is laid on a bit thick, which is hardly a scathing piece of criticism.
I think I'm going to give this one a solid 8/10. It's great stuff, and my biggest problem was that I wanted the book to be longer.
The Vikings Revisited
But not rehabilitated. The Price is right when he says that nobody should admire the Vikings, even if he does labour the point a bit much (more on that next time). Slavery terminology aside, Barraclough doesn't get obsessed with moral messaging or telling the reader how to feel. She lets that come through naturally, so what we get is a "warts an all" view of Nordic life. And the subtitle "Hidden Histories of the Viking Age" is important : this is about all aspects of life in medieval Scandinavia, not just the big burly axe-wielding maniacs who wreaked havoc across the north.
Fear not, gentle reader : nobody sane would try and remove the image of the barbaric axe-wielding lunatic leaping off a longship to spread fire and death among the Christians. Everyone loves the Viking berserkers. As David Mitchell rightly says, they're fun, and anyone pretending that they aren't fun is kidding themselves. Horrible ? Absolutely ! But that's exactly why the Horrible Histories franchise has been such a success. Nobody still feels personally affronted by the ravages of the northmen; the Vikings today are essentially a fantasy. And pretty much everyone finds fantasy violence fun.
No, what we've got here is an attempt to make the Viking world not less brutal, but more complete. Just because they could sometimes be savage didn't mean they couldn't also be sympathetic. And sexy. And stupid, and other words beginning with s. So let's begin my short summary of sightseeing seafarers and scary sorcerors.
Oh I Do Like To Be Beside The Seaside
Let's start with... seamen. Yes, the actual kind, you shut your filthy mouth. In fact I want to start exactly where Barraclough starts precisely to get a minor academic dispute out of the way. She mentions the spectacular find of a ship in Estonia with no less than thirty four bodies aboard, plus animals and parts of animals, not to mention heaps of objects of all kinds. This puts to bed any ideas of the Viking's having any sort of typical funerary style : as far as I can tell, singular burials aboard ships might have happened, but it would be much more common to have many bodies per boat. A higher body per boat ratio was more economical if nothing else.
Barraclough also completely agrees with Price that this burial, from c.750 AD, means that the Viking Age likely began a few decades before the more common 793 AD date of the Lindisfarne raid, and that raids to the east deserve more attention. The dispute between them comes in the interpretation of the grave(s). Price attributes the amount of weaponry as clear evidence that this was a military expedition. Barraclough highlights that the weapons were awfully ornate if they were intended for practical use, and the amount of gaming boards seems a bit much for even the most enthusiastic gamer-Vikings. She suggests that instead this was an armed diplomatic mission. Rather than heading out looking for plunder, this particular group may have been trying to make a sale or sign a treaty, only to find that their voyage went disastrously wrong.
Sex
Ok, the boatful of bodies is certainly nightmare fuel, though the academic disagreement rather tempers that. But any remaining scholastic style goes completely out of the window when it comes to, err, romance. But to ease us in here – you do your own joke – we also have some surprisingly fun stuff on hygiene and personal grooming. The Arab commentators on Viking fashion and hairstyle choices become much more interesting when compared to how the English perceived their Nordic neighbours. The Arabian perspective :
They are the filthiest of God's creatures. They do not clean themselves after urinating or defecating, nor do they wash after having sex... they wash their faces and their heads with the dirtiest and filthiest water there could be.
He goes on to describe them spitting and blowing their nose in this same communal bowl and continuing to wash in it. Which is almost so implausible it might suggest a bias, since that level of dirt surely ought to result in infections and a quick death or at least debilitating illness.
But the English took a disturbingly different view :
They brought many hardships to the people of the land, for they combed their hair every day and bathed every Saturday. They also changed their clothes often and groomed their bodies with many such frivolities. Hence, they assailed the chastity even of married women, and persuaded the daughters of nobles to become their lovers.
Well ! For the English, bathing once a week and combining their hair was enough to make their Nordic invaders irresistibly sexy heartthrobs, whereas for the Arabs, the same people were beyond disgusting. What the hell does that say about the English ?
Mind you, the Norse were a diverse group. One other Arabic commentator didn't mention their appalling hygiene, but did remark on their musical "talents" :
There is no uglier song than the groans that come out of their throats. It is like the braying of hounds, only worse.
We also have words directly from the Norse themselves. Some remarkable personal messages have survived on rune-sticks which seem almost exactly like modern text messages. My personal favourite :
Gyda says that you should go home.
We'll never know the full context, but the possibilities are wonderful. And there are messages about wanting to go to the pub more often, fart jokes, and how the penis should buy the lovely vagina a drink. Some of them are extremely crude, others seem like the writer had acute embarrassment. One short poem lamenting the writer's lack of sleep turns out to be a coded message for a woman's name that would have flummoxed most modern cryptic crossword enthusiasts.
There are messages professing extreme enthusiasm for sex and those which are highly derogatory, including words meaning "a woman/man who runs away from a penis/vagina". There are messages of fucking up the arse, of being friend-zoned, and "fluffy sentiments" of romantic devotion. And then there's my second favourite* message :
May a demon sort out B's cunt.
* My third favourite is different again : it's a label on the back of a hammer which simply says, "this is a hammer". It's tough to find a more perfect message to help future archaeologists decipher what they're looking at.
Chill-axing
All of this philandering inevitably led to the next generation of Viklings. They may have done essential work much sooner than modern children, but they certainly found time for play as well. My favourite example by far comes from the very extreme end of the Viking world : the stick-drawings on Onfim, a 13th-century Russian boy believed to be about six or seven. They're terrible. They're every bit as bad as every other six year old who ever lived. Onfirm seems to have been doing his schoolwork but got carried away and draws himself on horseback, breathing fire, holding a sword, and accompanying what's probably his father. He even writes "I am a wild beast".
Onfim, dude, your drawings absolutely suck and they're the most adorable thing I've ever seen in a history book and I love them.
Children also seem to have learned to skate and ski from a young age, with these activities apparently being especially associated with youth. As they got older* they turned to more competitive sports which could turn violent. At least according to the sagas, these could often become the source of family feuds, though Barraclough notes how much this reflects reality isn't clear.
* Not much older though. Price points out that the typical lifespan after having survived young childhood was about 40. People could and did live into their 80s, but these were exceptions, and 60 was already doing well. It makes a difference when you realise that most of the legendary figures weren't the kind of grizzled 40–50 somethings they generally seem to be in the TV shows and movies, but barely old enough to drink had they been born in modern America.
What does seem to fit the stereotypical Viking image of machismo is the popularity of strength contests. Less in keeping with our modern image are the popularity of board games and poetry. Yes, they might endure the freezing ocean only to plunder churches and murder priests, yes they carried out human sacrifice, and yes a major source of their economy came from slave raids. But when they got home, they were quite likely to put their feet up in front of a warm fire, play some board games, and teach their kids to draw. Oh, and get involved in endless petty legal disputes. Human psychology really is fascinating.
I'm A Slave For You
Despite the weird terminology choice, I was pleasant surprised by the chapter "Unfreedom". Barraclough presents the nastier side of Viking life without being nearly as moralising as I feared : just present me with how things were and I'll judge for myself, thanks. And this is what she does.
Some parts of slavery were every bit as bad as you'd expect. Captives would be shackled and treated literally as cargo, abused for sexual pleasure or sacrificed to aid their masters into the next world. Laws protecting pregnant slaves existed only to protect the slave owner, not the slave or her unborn child. They might even have been branded by filing grooves into their teeth. Conditions for some were unbearable.
But not for all. Society in general had a strongly hierarchical structure : strongly, but not strictly. The boundaries between demographics were not always clear, and someone deemed to be free was by no means without social obligations to their friends, family, neighbours. They could opt out of those obligations only to an extent, and defying social expectations (such as a woman wearing trousers, a man practising magic, or homosexuality) could come with extreme consequences.
People did all of these things anyway, of course. Likewise, a few slaves could run estates or act as tutors rather than being human beasts of burden, and not all slave owners treated their property like animals. Some freed them, some appear to have loved them. But the stigma of "former slave" remained. As in ancient Rome, being freed was not seen as the same as being born free. It would be a mistake to see all slavery as equal, because it certainly was not, but saying "it wasn't always as bad as being routinely sexually abused" hardly amounts to concluding that "actually they had a lovely time of it".
The Road To Hel
Saving the best to last, my favourite bit was the stuff on Viking religious beliefs. Or rather, perhaps "spiritual world view" would be a better description, since there was no single presiding dogma, no foundational text, and whether these beliefs encompassed moral directions is contentious at best.
Some of this is amusing. There's a skull with runes engraved which appear to be an amulet to protect its owner from headaches caused by dwarves. Did they literally believe an invisible dwarf was attacking them with a little hammer and that this would somehow deter them ? Did they think the dwarves operated in some other metaphysical realm and attacked them with magic ? And why did they think the dwarfs were out to get them – why only with headaches, why not by causing them memory loss or their hair to fall out ? So many questions. And we won't know the answer, because as Barraclough says :
They weren't sitting around thinking "how fascinating to be here at the emergence of Scandinavian proto-urbanism, sowing the seeds of what will one day be known as the Viking Age". More likely they were thinking, "my head hurts, how do I get rid of those bloody dwarves".
And probably there were multiple answers to these questions. There were certainly multiple types of funerary practise. One widespread idea seems to have been that Hel – the Viking afterlife for those not eligible to Valhalla, and apparently neutral rather than a place of torment – was somewhere to the north and down. There are hints of special "Hel shoes" to allow people to make the journey, and even crampons for horses to deal with the ice and snow. But not every grave points north, and how were you supposed to get there if you were buried on a ship ? Why did they believe in the afterlife as being apparently a pretty crappy place for the majority, and since you were expected to do considerable walking to reach it, what would happen if you decided not to go ?
The most spectacular part of the book comes in Iceland. Amidst the landscape of fire and ice, endless days in summer and permanent darkness in winter, lies a cave. Three hundred metres inside, in the pitch darkness, is a huge drystone wall, ten metres across and nearly five metres high when it was complete. This could only have been seen by torchlight. Yet while it blocks the passage, beyond it are seven piles of animal bones, each up to three of four metres wide, spread out over another hundred metres or so. Ship-shaped stone structures lie scattered in multi-coloured glass beads.
The work to construct these features must have been extraordinary given the conditions, but what was it for ? It seems related to Sutr, the fire giant who will end the world at Ragnarok, but would a drystone wall – even a big one – serve as a defence ? We'll never know exactly what was going through the minds of those who visited and sealed the cave. The ending is curiously touching :
Four lead weights, one in the shape of a cross, little more than a centimetre long, put there twenty or thirty years after Iceland's official conversion to Christianity in around 1000 AD. And then, nothing. A farewell to the fire giant, left alone to smoulder in the darkness.
Bloody hell, that's atmospheric. And the conversion process was, as here, clearly non-linear. No smashing of the pagan idols in this case, no ridiculing the beliefs of their ancestors. Here the beliefs in Thor and Freya and Sutr and all the rest appear to have been very real, very literal, and not so easily dismissed by a sandal-wearing hippy from the Middle East. Quite possibly, the respectful gesture from the Christians who abandoned the site was tinged with just a little bit of fear for what might still be down there.
Conclusions
Barraclough mingles the hard, tangible objects with the blurred boundaries of mental realities. As Christianity took hold, people didn't abandon the old gods entirely or immediately. In one fascinating case, a rune-stick calls on Odin to help recover stolen property but labels him as a fiend, a bit like summoning Satan because you've lost your shoes.
The Viking world could be horrific. Its economy was derived in no small part from slavery, and multiple, independent sources attest to human sacrifice that rivals the Aztec rituals for brutality. Trees hung with corpses, women forcibly taken and murdered at funerals, deliberately bloody methods of sacrifice... there's plenty to satisfy any horror writer. But for every act of horror was something more human : a reverence for the dead, poetry filled with sorrow, graffiti about cunts and arse-fucking, a child's absolutely bloody useless stick-drawings. Notions of whether we should see them as good or bad are far too simplistic; as with nearly all human societies, they were good and bad, with neither cancelling out the other.
The end of the Viking Age is similarly ephemerous. Price sticks broadly to the conventional date of c.1066, or perhaps a little later. Barraclough argues that it could be pushed considerably later. The Norse declined as a dominant power from the middle of the 11th century onwards, but the core of what they were faded more slowly. They didn't stop believing in their pagan gods just because they officially converted to Christianity. Raiding didn't entirely stop just because nation-state militaries began to rise in prominence. 1066 AD mattered an awful lot in England but made bugger all difference to the inhabitants of Iceland or Greenland. She suggests the true end might be reckoned as late as 1400.
Personally I'm not sure. Perhaps we can say that the Viking diaspora kept going long after the Age itself ceased to be. There were in fact a few large-scale Norse expeditions after 1066, though nothing as successful as the earlier ventures. The Age was over, but the Vikings themselves were not. And for a people as diverse and complex as these, not being able to precisely define when they ended is curiously satisfying.